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“THE ITINERARIUM AD REGIONES SUB EQUINOCTIALI PLAGA CONSTITUTAS” OF ALESSANDRO GERALDINI D’AMELIA
A decisive turning point in the adventurous life of Geraldini involved the fate of one of his royal stu-
dents, Catherine of Aragon (1485-1536), promised to the son of King Henry VII of England: Arthur Tudor,
Prince of Wales. Geraldini accompanied his pupil to England, arriving at Plymouth on October 2, 1501.
He also participated in the negotiations for the marriage and the organization of the nuptial ceremonies
in his position as senior chaplain to the princess (ep. 6 “In tanto rerum”); the wedding was celebrated in
November 1501. Geraldini accompanied the royal couple to Ludlow Castle in Wales. But on April 2, 1502,
Prince Arthur suddenly died, with major consequences for political and diplomatic relations between the
two monarchies.
The two powerful dynasties, which were interested in a political alliance through marriage, devised a
second marriage for the Spanish Infanta in England—with Arthur’s younger brother, Henry. However, there
was the obvious problem of canonical legitimacy for such a marriage between in-laws. A particularly pivotal
point of the law revolved around the question of the actual consummation of the marriage between Arthur
and Catherine: if this had not in fact occurred, the Spanish princess could be married to Arthur’s brother (the
future Henry VIII). The position adopted by Geraldini in determining such consummation contrasted with the
political lines drawn by the Spanish Crown and the Tudors, both of whom were interested in proceeding with
Catherine’s second English wedding. Having taken possession of a letter from Geraldini to the Spanish ambas-
sador to England, Rodrigo de Puebla, the Spanish sovereigns sought the immediate repatriation of the prin-
cess’s chaplain (June 1502). Catherine herself, seen as being hampered by her tutor and confessor, but strongly
supported by her lady-in-waiting, Elvira Manuel, soon developed a feeling of severe hostility toward Geraldini.
This imbroglio involving English affairs, combined with the even more politically disastrous death of his
main patron, Queen Isabella, forced Geraldini into a period of waiting and apprehension. Later, however,
he seemed to have found a foothold in the court of Ferdinand, who assigned him a bishopric, although a
secondary one, in the then-Spanish viceroyalty of Naples. The first document attesting to the appointment
of Geraldini as bishop of Vulturara e Montecorvino (in the province of Foggia) dates from 1507. However, as
was typical among bishops of the time, Geraldini actually remained only a short time in this diocese, which,
all the same, was of little importance.
Perhaps it was through this rapprochement with the sovereign that Ferdinand hoped to send Geraldini
back, in 1509, to England, to arrange Caterina’s second marriage with Henry VIII, a marriage to which, as
mentioned, Alessandro had been an obstacle some years prior (ep. 5.13 and 6.5-8). However, for a couple of
years, the Dominican friar Diego Fernández had already become the Queen’s confessor, whom Geraldini
paints in very dark colors (ep. 5.17-18). Thus, despite the immense diplomatic travails and the inevitable conse-
crated marriage, he was forced to return to Spain “sine ullo honore.” This was one of the greatest crises of his
life: Catherine, obviously quite hostile toward her former chaplain and guardian, decided not to pay him any
of his accumulated back wages, thus throwing Geraldini into a veritable whirlwind of debt. There are numer-
ous letters sent by Alessandro complaining of the ungrateful and “inhuman” behavior of his former student.
Writing to her second husband, Henry VIII of England, he says:
(ep. 6.60 – 78)
60. Now ... I shall attend to the cruel work of those kings, who deny due respect and honor to those
who have made long dispatches in the house, whose coexistence was long in the same court and in the
same room as the master’s own work. As with the educator’s work, which took place in the queen’s
innermost abode. 61. And I dare to openly affirm that those who do these things are devoid of all
humanity, have nothing to do with virtue, have nothing worthy of real greatness; and that, if they do
something good, it will clearly be a trick, either to seek praise or to avoid hatred entirely with a lie. 62.
In fact, how could it happen that kings, who have lived, from early childhood, according to the best
human education, and who were raised in a great environment full of wisdom, could commit such
wickedness, unless they are in fact wicked in nature, ? and corrupt? 63. They perceived that the teach-