The Italian Legacy in the Dominican Republic

THE ITALIAN LEGACY IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

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he faced several serious dilemmas, aware that the coun-

try was headed for disaster but unable to do anything

about it. First, as will be shown in detail, he restricted

himself to theoretical commentary that placed evils in a

timeless dimension, avoiding conflicts that might have

landed him in prison or exile. The evolution of the life

of the nation, which marked the fate of his generation,

placed him in a pathetic situation, doomed to preach

without the prospect of tangible effects. Within this

context, one could understand his shift toward positions

contrary to those he had defended all his life. He went

so far as to justify autocracy and abjure many of his con-

victions, and in a dramatic twist, he began to believe

that his life as a warrior had been an utter mistake.

A Tumultuous Presidency

In 1882, Ulises Heureaux became president. Despite

Heureaux’s heavy-handed approach to governance,

Meriño distrusted him and sought a replacement. Lu-

perón, imbued with civilian illusions, again suggest-

ed that Pedro Francisco Bonó and various others take

office, but they all rejected the offers. At that time,

Heureaux was Luperón’s right-hand man, apparently

revering him as a father figure. Luperón overlooked

Heureaux’s violent tendencies and mandatory use of

force against his enemies. He instead focused on busi-

ness and left the country again for a prolonged period of

time. He was not aware that Heureaux’s first adminis-

tration had shifted, putting the state at the service of private interests, and this resulted in the coming together

of the modern bourgeoisie and the ruling clique.

Unbeknownst to Heureaux, his successor was gaining ground in the government, aiming to undermine

his previously undisputed reign as leader of the Partido Aazul (Blue Party). Luperón had proposed his close

friend Segundo Imbert, a native of Puerto Plata who was a veteran soldier, and Heureaux turned to Meriño,

who believed that the ideal candidate was Billini.

This dispute led to a tipping point in the dignitary’s standing, and challenges to Imbert’s competence;

particularly, his regionalist motivations became a concern. However, Imbert was a more popular candidate

than Billini, as his support came mostly from Cibao, the richest and most populous region. Thus, Heureaux

engaged in the dirty job of electoral fraud. Logically, this upset Luperón and resulted in friction, but the two

still maintained a relationship.

Billini did not realize that his election was won on the grounds of electoral fraud with sinister motives, tar-

nishing the establishment of his administration. From the beginning, Heureaux was committed to preventing

the emergence of a successful administration. The new president lacked the necessary support to establish a

stable government because nearly every prominent figure in the Blue Party opposed him or, at least, cautious-

ly kept him at a safe distance, and Meriño did not have the influence to clear the way for his protégé.

The situation became unsustainable when Cesareo Guillermo returned to the country from exile after be-

ing granted amnesty. As president, Billini followed the law, believing that every citizen had the right to reside

Francisco Gregorio

Billini.

de la Nación

Opening page:

Cover of

Amor y

expiación

by Francisco

Gregorio Billini.

Nación